|13 May 1999. A source for a list of "MI6 officers" has been provided:
authentication, may be genuine, a folly or a black op.
13 May 1999. Birdie says that it is another, yet unidentified, US Web site
which published 100+ names of MI6 officers. The site is said to be now inactive.
A press report on it should be appearing in Europe later today. That's all
we know until birdie dumps more.
12 May 1999
The source URL disappeared on May 12, 1999, at about 5:00 PM US-CST. A. has
provided a TAR.Z compressed file of the complete site:
Richard Tomlinson has written us today that there was never any names or
information on his site that was not public information, and that HMG is
overreacting for public effect to stigmatize his efforts. The names of MI6
officers cited in his affidavit on MI6 and Princess
Nicholas John Andrew LANGMAN
Richard David SPEARMAN
Chief of MI6 David SPEDDING
Nicholas Bernard Frank FISHWICK
Chief of MI6 Colin McCOLL
These names, and another, Andrew Fulton, were previously publicized:
[Java script and link buttons removed; for original file see
Directory of MI6
The first step to bringing accountability to MI6 is to publish the names
of their officers. Every other branch of British public service publishes
an annual directory of their officers. The Army has the Army list, the Police
the Constabulary list etc. But MI6 publishes no such list. Why? Because they
do not want their officers to be held accountable for their actions.
MI6 whine that the publication of such a list would "endanger the lives of
agents". This is a smokescreen. Any member of the UK armed forces or the
police faces far greater physical danger in the course of his normal duty
than an MI6 officer, yet their names are published because they are legally
accountable. So why not MI6 too?
Below is a partial list. It is not yet complete, but further names will be
added as they are researched.
INJUNCTED!! - MI6 obtain another injunction
- read below!
[Two images of injunction were not accessible]
[No names provided]
For More Information Contact:
Last modified: May 11, 1999
the Princess of Wales
Attached below is a sworn and testified statement that I have made on 12th
May 1999 to the enquiry into the deaths of the Princess of Wales, Dodi Al
Fayed, and Henri Paul. I firmly believe that MI6 have information in their
files that would assist Judge Stephan's enquiry. Why don't they yield up
this information? They should not be entitled to use the Official Secrets
Act to protect themselves from investigation into the deaths of three people,
particularly in the case of an incident of this magnitude and historical
I, Richard John Charles Tomlinson, former MI6 officer, of Geneva, Switzerland
I firmly believe that there exist documents held by the British Secret
Intelligence Service (MI6) that would yield important new evidence into the
cause and circumstances leading to the deaths of the Princess of Wales, Mr
Dodi Al Fayed, and M. Henri Paul in Paris in August 1997.
I was employed by MI6 between September 1991 and April 1995. During that
time, I saw various documents that I believe would provide new evidence and
new leads into the investigation into these deaths. I also heard various
rumours which though I was not able to see supporting documents
I am confident were based on solid fact.
In 1992, I was working in the Eastern European Controllerate of MI6 and I
was peripherally involved in a large and complicated operation to smuggle
advanced Soviet weaponry out of the then disintegrating and disorganised
remnants of the Soviet Union. During 1992, I spent several days reading the
substantial files on this operation. These files contain a wide miscellany
of contact notes, telegrams, intelligence reports, photographs etc, from
which it was possible to build up a detailed understanding of the operation.
The operation involved a large cast of officers and agents of MI6. One more
than one occasion, meetings between various figures in the operation took
place at the Ritz Hotel, Place de Vendome, Paris. There were in the file
several intelligence reports on these meetings, which had been written by
one of the MI6 officers based in Paris at the time (identified in the file
only by a coded designation). The source of the information was an informant
in the Ritz Hotel, who again was identified in the files only by a code number.
The MI6 officer paid the informant in cash for his information. I became
curious to learn more about the identity of this particular informant, because
his number cropped up several times and he seemed to have extremely good
access to the goings on in the Ritz Hotel. I therefore ordered this
informants personal file from MI6s central file registry. When
I read this new file, I was not at all surprised to learn that the informant
was a security officer of the Ritz Hotel. Intelligence services always target
the security officers of important hotels because they have such good
access to intelligence. I remember, however, being mildly surprised that
the nationality of this informant was French, and this stuck in my memory,
because it is rare that MI6 succeeds in recruiting a French informer. I cannot
claim that I remember from this reading of the file that the name of this
person was Henri Paul, but I have no doubt with the benefit of hindsight
that this was he. Although I did not subsequently come across Henri Paul
again during my time in MI6, I am confident that the relationship between
he and MI6 would have continued until his death, because MI6 would never
willingly relinquish control over such a well placed informant. I am sure
that the personal file of Henri Paul will therefore contain notes of meetings
between him and his MI6 controlling officer right up until the point of his
death. I firmly believe that these files will contain evidence of crucial
importance to the circumstances and causes of the incident that killed M.
Paul, together with the Princess of Wales and Dodi Al Fayed.
The most senior undeclared officer in the local MI6 station would normally
control an informant of M.Pauls usefulness and seniority. Officers
declared to the local counter-intelligence service (in this case the Directorate
de Surveillance Territoire, or DST) would not be used to control such an
informant, because it might lead to the identity of the informant becoming
known to the local intelligence services. In Paris at the time of M. Pauls
death, there were two relatively experienced but undeclared MI6 officers.
The first was Mr Nicholas John Andrew LANGMAN, born 1960. The second was
Mr Richard David SPEARMAN, again born in 1960. I firmly believe that either
one or both of these officers will be well acquainted with M Paul, and most
probably also met M. Paul shortly before his death. I believe that either
or both of these officers will have knowledge that will be of crucial importance
in establishing the sequence of events leading up to the deaths of M.Paul,
Dodi Al Fayed and the Princess of Wales. Mr Spearman in particular was an
extremely well connected and influential officer, because he had been, prior
to his appointment in Paris, the personal secretary to the Chief of MI6 Mr
David SPEDDING. As such, he would have been privy to even the most confidential
of MI6 operations. I believe that there may well be significance in the fact
that Mr Spearman was posted to Paris in the month immediately before the
Later in 1992, as the civil war in the former Yugoslavia became increasingly
topical, I started to work primarily on operations in Serbia. During this
time, I became acquainted with Dr Nicholas Bernard Frank FISHWICK, born 1958,
the MI6 officer who at the time was in charge of planning Balkan operations.
During one meeting with Dr Fishwick, he casually showed to me a three-page
document that on closer inspection turned out to be an outline plan to
assassinate the Serbian leader President Slobodan Milosevic. The plan was
fully typed, and attached to a yellow "minute board", signifying that this
was a formal and accountable document. It will therefore still be in existence.
Fishwick had annotated that the document be circulated to the following senior
MI6 officers: Maurice KENDWRICK-PIERCEY, then head of Balkan operations,
John RIDDE, then the security officer for Balkan operations, the SAS liaison
officer to MI6 (designation MODA/SO, but I have forgotten his name), the
head of the Eastern European Controllerate (then Richard FLETCHER) and finally
Alan PETTY, the personal secretary to the then Chief of MI6, Colin McCOLL.
This plan contained a political justification for the assassination of Milosevic,
followed by three outline proposals on how to achieve this objective. I firmly
believe that the third of these scenarios contained information that could
be useful in establishing the causes of death of Henri Paul, the Princess
of Wales, and Dodi Al Fayed. This third scenario suggested that Milosevic
could be assassinated by causing his personal limousine to crash. Dr Fishwick
proposed to arrange the crash in a tunnel, because the proximity of concrete
close to the road would ensure that the crash would be sufficiently violent
to cause death or serious injury, and would also reduce the possibility that
there might be independent, casual witnesses. Dr Fishwick suggested that
one way to cause the crash might be to disorientate the chauffeur using a
strobe flash gun, a device which is occasionally deployed by special forces
to, for example, disorientate helicopter pilots or terrorists, and about
which MI6 officers are briefed about during their training. In short, this
scenario bore remarkable similarities to the circumstances and witness accounts
of the crash that killed the Princess of Wales, Dodi Al Fayed, and Henri
Paul. I firmly believe that this document should be yielded by MI6 to the
Judge investigating these deaths, and would provide further leads that he
During my service in MI6, I also learnt unofficially and second-hand something
of the links between MI6 and the Royal Household. MI6 are frequently and
routinely asked by the Royal Household (usually via the Foreign Office) to
provide intelligence on potential threats to members of the Royal Family
whilst on overseas trips. This service would frequently extend to asking
friendly intelligence services (such as the CIA) to place members of the
Royal Family under discrete surveillance, ostensibly for their own protection.
This was particularly the case for the Princess of Wales, who often insisted
on doing without overt personal protection, even on overseas trips. Although
contact between MI6 and the Royal Household was officially only via the Foreign
Office, I learnt while in MI6 that there was unofficial direct contact between
certain senior and influential MI6 officers and senior members of the Royal
Household. I did not see any official papers on this subject, but I am confident
that the information is correct. I firmly believe that MI6 documents would
yield substantial leads on the nature of their links with the Royal Household,
and would yield vital information about MI6 surveillance on the Princess
of Wales in the days leading to her death.
I also learnt while in MI6 that one of the "paparazzi" photographers who
routinely followed the Princess of Wales was a member of "UKN", a small corps
of part-time MI6 agents who provide miscellaneous services to MI6 such as
surveillance and photography expertise. I do not know the identity of this
photographer, or whether he was one of the photographers present at the time
of the fatal incident. However, I am confident that examination of UKN records
would yield the identity of this photographer, and would enable the inquest
to eliminate or further investigate that potential line of enquiry.
On Friday August 28 1998, I gave much of this information to Judge Hervé
Stephan, the French investigative Judge in charge of the inquest into the
accident. The lengths which MI6, the CIA and the DST have taken to deter
me giving this evidence and subsequently to stop me talking about it, suggests
that they have something to hide.
On Friday 31 July 1998, shortly before my appointment with Judge Hervé
Stephan, the DST arrested me in my Paris hotel room. Although I have no record
of violent conduct I was arrested with such ferocity and at gunpoint that
I received a broken rib. I was taken to the headquarters of the DST, and
interrogated for 38 hours. Despite my repeated requests, I was never given
any justification for the arrest and was not shown the arrest warrant. Even
though I was released without charge, the DST confiscated from me my laptop
computer and Psion organiser. They illegally gave these to MI6 who took them
back to the UK. They were not returned for six months, which is illegal and
caused me great inconvenience and financial cost.
On Friday 7th August 1998 I boarded a Qantas flight at Auckland International
airport, New Zealand, for a flight to Sydney, Australia where I was due to
give a television interview to the Australian Channel Nine television company.
I was in my seat, awaiting take off, when an official boarded the plane and
told me to get off. At the airbridge, he told me that the airline had received
a fax "from Canberra" saying that there was a problem with my travel papers.
I immediately asked to see the fax, but I was told that "it was not possible".
I believe that this is because it didn't exist. This action was a ploy to
keep me in New Zealand so that the New Zealand police could take further
action against me. I had been back in my Auckland hotel room for about half
an hour when the New Zealand police and NZSIS, the New Zealand Secret
Intelligence Service, raided me. After being detained and searched for about
three hours, they eventually confiscated from me all my remaining computer
equipment that the French DST had not succeeded in taking from me. Again,
I didn't get some of these items back until six months later.
Moreover, shortly after I had given this evidence to Judge Stephan, I was
invited to talk about this evidence in a live television interview on
Americas NBC television channel. I flew from Geneva to JFK airport
on Sunday 30 August to give the interview in New York on the following Monday
morning. Shortly after arrival at John F Kennedy airport, the captain of
the Swiss Air flight told all passengers to return to their seats. Four US
Immigration authority officers entered the plane, came straight to my seat,
asked for my passport as identity, and then frogmarched me off the plane.
I was taken to the immigration detention centre, photographed, fingerprinted,
manacled by my ankle to a chair for seven hours, served with deportation
papers (exhibit 1) and then returned on the next available plane to Geneva.
I was not allowed to make any telephone calls to the representatives of NBC
awaiting me in the airport. The US Immigration Officers - who were all openly
sympathetic to my situation and apologised for treating me so badly - openly
admitted that they were acting under instructions from the CIA.
In January of this year, I booked a chalet in the village of Samoens in the
French Alps for a ten day snowboarding holiday with my parents. I picked
up my parents from Geneva airport in a hire car on the evening of January
8, and set off for the French border. At the French customs post, our car
was stopped and I was detained. Four officers from the DST held me for four
hours. At the end of this interview, I was served with the deportation papers
below (exhibit 2), and ordered to return to Switzerland. Note that in the
papers, my supposed destination has been changed from "Chamonix" to "Samoens".
This is because when first questioned by a junior DST officer, I told him
that my destination was "Chamonix". When a senior officer arrived an hour
or so later, he crossed out the word and changed it to "Samoens", without
ever even asking or confirming this with me. I believe this is because MI6
had told them of my true destination, having learnt the information through
surveillance on my parent's telephone in the UK. My banning from France is
entirely illegal under European law. I have a British passport and am entitled
to travel freely within the European Union. MI6 have "done a deal" with the
DST to have me banned, and have not used any recognised legal mechanism to
deny my rights to freedom of travel. I believe that the DST and MI6 have
banned me from France because they wanted to prevent me from giving further
evidence to Judge Stephans inquest, which at the time, I was planning
Whatever MI6s role in the events leading to the death of the Princess
of Wales, Dodi Al Fayed and Henri Paul, I am absolutely certain that there
is substantial evidence in their files that would provide crucial evidence
in establishing the exact causes of this tragedy. I believe that they have
gone to considerable lengths to obstruct the course of justice by interfering
with my freedom of speech and travel, and this in my view confirms my belief
that they have something to hide. I believe that the protection given to
MI6 files under the Official Secrets Act should be set aside in the public
interest in uncovering once and for all the truth behind these dramatic and
historically momentous events.
SWORN at )
this day of )
1998, before me:- )
A Notary Public
EXHIBIT 1 [none provided with file]
EXHIBIT 2 [none provided with file]
For More Information Contact:
Last modified: May 12, 1999